ICT President Tencho Gyatso and FIDH President Alexis Deswaef have co-authored an opinion piecepublished in EUobserver examining the implications of China’s new law on “Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress,” which enters into force on 1 July 2026. The article warns that the legislation further entrenches Beijing’s assimilation policies toward Tibetans and other ethnic groups and could enable transnational repression extending beyond China’s borders, including against Tibetan communities in Europe. The authors call on the European Union and its member states to take stronger action to protect human rights and address the risks posed by the new law.
The op-ed was originally published by EUobserver on 9 June 2026 and is reproduced below.
Tibetans in Europe risk persecution in China under new ‘ethnic unity’ law
By Tencho Gyatso and Alexis Deswaef, Brussels, 9 June 2026 16:43
https://euobserver.com/219724/tibetans-in-europe-risk-persecution-in-china-under-new-ethnic-unity-law/
The “Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress” will come into force on 1 July in China. Presented by Beijing as an instrument of national cohesion, it constitutes in reality a further step in a well-documented assimilation policy targeting Tibetans, Uyghurs, Mongols, and others considered “ethnic minorities” by the Chinese Communist Party.
For the European Union, which defines itself through the principle of “unity in diversity,” this new legislation should serve as a wake-up call.
This law codifies in effect the practices and policies of sinicisation that have already been implemented for several years, particularly under Xi Jinping’s presidency. It promotes a homogeneous social model that reduces space for pluralism and diversity.
Several provisions of the law illustrate this trend. The priority given to Mandarin in all public spheres de facto relegates other languages, such as Tibetan, to a secondary status. Yet, language is the very foundation of cultural identity: its marginalisation directly undermines the transmission of culture from one generation to the next.
The consequences are already visible. More than a million Tibetan children are currently educated in boarding schools where instruction is primarily in Mandarin, in an environment heavily influenced by the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party. This educational policy contributes to a worrying decline in the use of Tibetan among younger generations.
Prosecution risks
Another worrying element is the extraterritorial reach of this text. Article 63 allows for the prosecution of individuals or organisations abroad accused of undermining “ethnic unity.” This deliberately vague formulation opens the door to transnational repression targeting diasporas, including in Europe.
European citizens of Tibetan origin, several thousand of whom live in Europe, could be exposed to arbitrary arrest and detention, or even to ill-treatment or torture, if they visit China or Tibet. Even we could be prosecuted merely for writing this piece critical of the law.
Above all, the Chinese authorities have used the Tibetan people to test the restrictions incorporated in this new law before applying it to China as a whole this year. Tibetans in present-day Yunnan were the first to see a similar law introduced way back in 2010 while the Tibet Autonomous Region saw a “model” law of this nature in 2020.
On 16 April, eight United Nations special rapporteurs denounced the implications of the law, stating that it could exacerbate restrictions on cultural, linguistic, and religious rights.
The experts also emphasised the systematic nature of the violations it entails with regard to China’s own legal framework, including the Constitution, as well as China’s international obligations.
Earlier in April, the European Parliament also adopted a resolution expressing its “grave concern” about a legislation that “openly promotes assimilation policies” and restricts fundamental freedoms and calling for its repeal.
European history shows that cultural and linguistic marginalisation is a classic tool used by authoritarian regimes to assimilate populations under their control.
Under the Soviet Union, Russification targeted national languages in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Ukraine, particularly from the 1930s onward under Joseph Stalin. Similarly, Benito Mussolini’s regime in Italy imposed Italian at the expense of German in South Tyrol, while Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler repressed the use of local languages in annexed territories.
These experiences are reflected in the European Union’s own foundational principles which recognise cultural and linguistic diversity not as a danger, but as a core strength to be protected.
This long-standing commitment stands in contrast to Beijing’s approach, where diversity is framed as a threat to be managed rather than an asset to be preserved.
EU special envoy for Tibet
Given the serious implications of the new Chinese law, the EU and its member states cannot be satisfied with mere declarations of principle or status quo. They must instead demonstrate their commitment to actively protecting the rights of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Mongols, and other ethnic groups in China, and to holding the Chinese government to account for its continued violations of international human rights obligations.
The EU should, for example, appoint a special representative for Tibet—similar to those that exist for the Middle East Peace Process or the Sahel—to better coordinate European policies on Tibet and prevent Beijing from pursuing a “divide and rule” strategy toward EU member states on Tibet-related issues.
It should also strengthen its mechanisms to combat transnational repression or impose targeted sanctions against individuals and entities involved in implementing this law.
European leaders should also actively support the resumption of direct dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan representatives to find a lasting solution to the long-standing crisis that has plagued Tibet since its invasion in 1950 and the Dalai Lama‘s subsequent flight into exile.
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