{"id":11863,"date":"2013-06-06T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2013-06-05T22:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/savetibet.nl\/nieuws\/special-representative-kelsang-gyaltsens-speech-at-the-symposium-towards-a-global-human-rights-culture-the-need-for-a-collective-alliance-in-the-protection-promotion-of-human-rights-germany\/"},"modified":"2013-06-06T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2013-06-05T22:00:00","slug":"special-representative-kelsang-gyaltsens-speech-at-the-symposium-towards-a-global-human-rights-culture-the-need-for-a-collective-alliance-in-the-protection-promotion-of-human-rights-germany","status":"publish","type":"nieuws","link":"https:\/\/savetibet.nl\/en\/news\/special-representative-kelsang-gyaltsens-speech-at-the-symposium-towards-a-global-human-rights-culture-the-need-for-a-collective-alliance-in-the-protection-promotion-of-human-rights-germany\/","title":{"rendered":"Special Representative Kelsang Gyaltsen’s speech at the Symposium “Towards a Global Human Rights Culture: The Need for a Collective Alliance in the Protection & Promotion of Human Rights”, Germany"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities in Practice<\/strong>
Preventing Cultural Genocide: The Case for Genuine Autonomy for Tibet<\/em><\/p>\n

Just last weekend we witnessed the public demonstration of the excellent\u00a0bilateral relationship between Germany and China on the occasion of the\u00a0visit of Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang to Berlin. A lot has been said\u00a0and written about the \u201eprivileged partnership\u201c between Germany and China\u00a0which both countries intend to further expand and deepen. This is welcome.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The more China is integrated into the world community the more the\u00a0likelihood that the arbitrariness of a one-party dictatorship can somewhat\u00a0be curtailed by international rules and regulations. It is, however, of\u00a0overriding importance to ensure that relations with China are conducted in a\u00a0way that does not amount to tacitly condoning a dictatorship and its abuses\u00a0and crimes. In fact as a matter of principle it should be the duty of every\u00a0democracy entering into relations with a dictatorship to make this clear\u00a0publicly. History has provided Germany with sufficient experiences and\u00a0lessons from dealing with the former German Democratic Republic and the
Soviet Union how to engage with dictatorships in a flexible but also\u00a0principled and responsible way. An example of such a value-based strategic\u00a0approach in dealing with totalitarian regimes is Willy Brandt\u2019s Ostpolitik\u00a0\u201eWandel durch Ann\u00e4herung\u201c (change through rapprochement). In doing so,\u00a0however, it is important to point out that Brandt\u2019s Ostpolitik never implied\u00a0the acceptance of the status quo or the acquiescence of the Communist\u00a0dictatorship in East Germany. In fact the very long-term aim of that policy\u00a0has been to bring about the eventual dismantlement of that dictatorship.<\/p>\n

Today, what is required is the same political resolve, will and vision by\u00a0the free world in dealing with the dictatorships of this new 21st century.\u00a0Profit cannot and should not be the sole aim and the driving force for a\u00a0democracy in building a relationship with a dictatorship. The conduct of\u00a0relations with dictatorships must be guided by the pursuit of value-based
strategic aims such as human rights, democracy and the rule of law.<\/p>\n

It is the inherent nature of all human beings to yearn for freedom, justice\u00a0and dignity. Human rights, democracy and the rule of law have become today\u00a0universal aspirations of people suffering from oppression and persecution.
The pursuit of fundamental freedoms, human rights and human dignity are as\u00a0important to the peoples of Africa and Asia as it is to those in the West.\u00a0But unfortunately it is often those people who are deprived of their human\u00a0rights who are the least able to speak up for themselves. This\u00a0responsibility, therefore, rests with those of us who do enjoy such\u00a0freedoms.<\/p>\n

The world needs Europe to play a leading role in the promotion, defence, and\u00a0protection of human rights. At the core of Europe\u2019s spirit is a fundamental\u00a0belief in the inherent equality and dignity of all peoples and are the\u00a0values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Guided by this spirit\u00a0Europe succeeded in defeating and eliminating tyranny and despotism on the\u00a0continent of Europe.<\/p>\n

It is important that this spirit of Europe does not halt at the borders of\u00a0Europe out of political expediency or because of commercial interests. The\u00a0oppressed people around the world needs Europe\u2019s commitment to these values\u00a0beyond the shores of Europe.\u00a0<\/p>\n

In the case of my own country, Tibet, for too long the international\u00a0community has underestimated the gravity and urgency of the plight of the\u00a0Tibetan people. \u00a0To a certain extent, today\u2019s dramatic worsening of the\u00a0situation inside Tibet is clearly a consequence of the negligence of this\u00a0issue by the international community.<\/p>\n

Today the very survival of the Tibetan people with our their distinct and\u00a0unique culture, language, religion and identity is at threat. With the\u00a0invasion and occupation of Tibet more than 60 years ago the Chinese\u00a0authorities launched an era of radical changes not only in the political\u00a0fortunes of the Tibetan people but also for Tibetan culture. The imposition\u00a0of direct Chinese rule, combined with the application of Maoist political\u00a0theories to Tibetan society, produced unprecedented social upheaval,\u00a0cultural destruction and immense suffering for Tibetans.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Chinese authorities see the distinct culture, religion, language and\u00a0identity of Tibet as a threat to the stability of its rule and as a
potential source for Tibet\u2019s separation from China. Accordingly, there is an\u00a0attempt to destroy the integral core of the Tibetan civilization and\u00a0identity. After initial disastrous efforts to obliterate Tibetan culture in\u00a0the early decades of Communist rule by physical destructions of monasteries\u00a0and temples and killings of monks and nuns, Chinese authorities adjusted\u00a0their policy to a more subtle and sophisticated approach by engaging in a\u00a0consistent effort to replace authentic, organic Tibetan culture with a\u00a0state-approved and controlled version that conforms with the ideological,\u00a0political and economic objectives of the Chinese Communist Party. This\u00a0effort has been pursued through intentional policies that are designed to\u00a0fundamentally alter Tibetan culture in a way that robs it of its essence and\u00a0turns it into something that the Chinese authorities can manage.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Chinese party-state\u2019s attacks on Tibetan Buddhism and culture are not\u00a0just ancillary effects of this state and nation-building effort, but rather\u00a0represent a central weapon in it. This is clear from the repeated\u00a0ideological campaigns that the Chinese party-state has directed toward Tibet\u00a0since its invasion. Given the might and resources that the Chinese\u00a0party-state has at its disposal to carry out its long-term assimilation\u00a0goals in Tibet, the threat of cultural genocide being committed in Tibet is\u00a0imminent.<\/p>\n

There is little doubt that the policies of the Chinese government with\u00a0regard to Tibet have been established and executed in such a way that\u00a0wholesale cultural destruction in Tibet was predictable and likely. It is\u00a0also clear that the Chinese authorities have acted intentionally in its\u00a0treatment of the Tibetans, including in the abrogation of their cultural\u00a0rights, and that the present grave situation in Tibet is a cause for serious\u00a0concerns that acts of cultural genocide will continue to be committed.\u00a0<\/p>\n

There is compelling evidence that the Chinese state\u2019s policies and practices\u00a0related to Tibetan culture have created conditions that violate key\u00a0international human rights instruments and contain elements of cultural\u00a0genocide. While there is no question that the various elements that comprise\u00a0\u2018cultural genocide\u2019 are prohibited under international human rights law,\u00a0these elements have not been formally bound together and recognized as a\u00a0specific violation. It is, therefore, our sincere hope, that the tragic case\u00a0of Tibet will encourage governments, universities, human rights\u00a0organizations etc. to take the initiative in the further development of a\u00a0cultural genocide framework.<\/p>\n

Regardless of whether there is an international legal regime under which a\u00a0charge of cultural genocide can be applied to the Chinese government, there\u00a0is overwhelming evidence that the Tibetan culture is being dismantled and\u00a0undermined at an alarming scale and pace and redefined by the Chinese state\u00a0for its own purposes. This fact is well documented and substantiated by\u00a0authoritative studies and reports. The conclusion is that the Chinese\u00a0government\u2019s policies and practices of cultural repression and destruction\u00a0are so systematic and persistent in Tibet, and their effects are so serious,\u00a0that they contain elements of cultural genocide.\u00a0<\/p>\n

For the Tibetan people these repeated and systematic assaults on their\u00a0culture, religion and language cannot but be called genocidal in intent and\u00a0impact. Raphael Lemkin, who first coined the term, genocide, in 1944 in his\u00a0book \u201eAxis Rule in Occupied Europe\u201d, writes:<\/p>\n

\u201eBy ,genocide\u2019 we mean the destruction of an ethnic group. \u2026 Generally<\/em>\u00a0speaking, genocide does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a<\/em>\u00a0nation, except when accomplished by mass killings of all members of a<\/em>\u00a0nation. It is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different<\/em>\u00a0actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of<\/em>\u00a0national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves. The<\/em>\u00a0objectives of such a plan would be disintegration of the political and<\/em>\u00a0social institutions, of culture, language, national feelings, religion, and<\/em>\u00a0the economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of the<\/em>\u00a0personal security, liberty, health, dignity, and even the lives of the<\/em>\u00a0individuals belonging to such groups …\u201c<\/em><\/p>\n

According to the UN Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 1994,\u00a0genocide involves attempts by a more powerful group to dilute the integrity\u00a0of another group, dispossess them of their lands, assimilate or absorb them\u00a0into the more powerful culture, or to seek to malign or diminish the\u00a0minority culture through propaganda.<\/p>\n

The sad fact is that almost all these aspects of an act of genocide have\u00a0been well-established features of the tragedy in Tibet under Chinese\u00a0occupation.<\/p>\n

Viewing the Sino-Tibetan conflict in this context it is obvious that the\u00a0fundamental cause of the Tibetan problem is not difference in ideology or\u00a0social system or issues resulting from clashes between tradition and\u00a0modernity. Neither is it just the issue of human rights violations alone.\u00a0The root of the Tibetan issue lies in Tibet\u2019s long and separate history, its\u00a0distinct and ancient culture and civilisation and its unique identity.<\/p>\n

Because of a total lack of understanding, appreciation and respect for\u00a0Tibet\u2019s distinct culture, history and identity, China\u2019s Tibet policies have\u00a0been consistently misguided. The use of force and coercion as the principal\u00a0means to rule and administer Tibet compel Tibetans to lie out of fear and\u00a0local officials to hide the truth and create false facts in order to suit\u00a0and to please Beijing and its stewards in Tibet. As a result China\u2019s\u00a0treatment of Tibet continues to evade the realities in Tibet.<\/p>\n

Today, it is the third and fourth generations of Tibetans, who are born\u00a0under Chinese communist rule, who continue to resent and resist the Chinese\u00a0policies in Tibet. The old generation of Tibetans, who witnessed the\u00a0invasion and occupation, has gone. However, irrespective of the passage of\u00a0time the freedom struggle of the Tibetan people continues with undiminished\u00a0determination.\u00a0<\/p>\n

This sad state of affairs in Tibet is of no benefit either to the Tibetans\u00a0or to the government of the PRC. To continue along this path does nothing to\u00a0alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, nor does it bring stability\u00a0and unity to China or help in enhancing her international image and\u00a0standing. If China is seriously concerned about stability and unity, she\u00a0must make honest efforts to win over the hearts of the Tibetans and not\u00a0attempt to impose her will on them.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Successive Chinese leaders have always assured that the Chinese presence in\u00a0Tibet is to work fort he welfare of the Tibetans and to help develop Tibet.\u00a0If this is true and sincere, there is no reason why the Chinese leadership\u00a0cannot start addressing the issue of Tibet by entering into a dialogue with\u00a0us. Our position on a mutually acceptable solution is straightforward. We\u00a0are not seeking separation and independence. What we are seeking is genuine\u00a0self-rule for the Tibetan people. Our main concern is to ensure the survival\u00a0of the Tibetan people with our distinct Buddhist cultural heritage and\u00a0language. For this, it is essential that we Tibetans are able to handle our
domestic affairs and to freely determine our social, economic and cultural\u00a0development.<\/p>\n

We remain committed to the path of non-violence and to the process of\u00a0dialogue and reconciliation. It is our firm belief that only dialogue and a\u00a0willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality in Tibet can\u00a0lead to a mutually beneficial solution that will enhance greatly the\u00a0stability and unity of the PRC and secure the basic rights of the Tibetan\u00a0people to live in freedom, peace and dignity.<\/p>\n

Against this background it is obvious that the Tibetan issue represents both\u00a0a challenge and an opportunity for China. Many people throughout the world\u00a0feel deeply committed to the Tibetan cause as a matter of humanitarian and\u00a0moral principles. China\u2019s inability to resolve the Tibetan issue peacefully\u00a0has been tarnishing her international image and reputation. Moreover, there\u00a0is no doubt that a solution to the Tibetan issue would have far-reaching\u00a0positive implications for China\u2019s image in the world, including in its\u00a0dealing with Taiwan as well as in its relationship with India. Without peace\u00a0and stability on the Tibetan plateau, it is unrealistic to hope that genuine\u00a0trust and confidence can be restored in the Sino-Indian relationship.<\/p>\n

Looking around the world we cannot fail to notice how unattended conflicts\u00a0with strong ethnic undercurrents can erupt in ways that make them virtually\u00a0impossible to solve. It is, therefore, in China\u2019s interest not to let that\u00a0happen in the case of Tibet. A creative and courageous initiative to resolve\u00a0the issue of Tibet by the new Chinese leadership would serve as a widely\u00a0appreciated signal that China is maturing and becoming more responsible in\u00a0assuming a greater leading role on the global stage. Such a political\u00a0initiative and gesture by the new Chinese leadership during this time of\u00a0deep sense of insecurity and anxiety in the international community will go\u00a0a long way to impressing and reassuring the public at home and in the larger\u00a0world.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities in PracticePreventing Cultural Genocide: The Case for Genuine Autonomy for Tibet Just last weekend we witnessed the public demonstration of the excellent\u00a0bilateral relationship between Germany and China on the occasion of the\u00a0visit of Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang to Berlin. A lot has been said\u00a0and written about the \u201eprivileged […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":0,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false},"categorie":[663],"news_tag":[],"class_list":["post-11863","nieuws","type-nieuws","status-publish","hentry","categorie-policy-centercentral-tibetan-administration"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nSpecial Representative Kelsang Gyaltsen's speech at the Symposium "Towards a Global Human Rights Culture: The Need for a Collective Alliance in the Protection & Promotion of Human Rights", Germany - Campaign for Tibet<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/savetibet.nl\/en\/news\/special-representative-kelsang-gyaltsens-speech-at-the-symposium-towards-a-global-human-rights-culture-the-need-for-a-collective-alliance-in-the-protection-promotion-of-human-rights-germany\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Special Representative Kelsang Gyaltsen's speech at the Symposium "Towards a Global Human Rights Culture: The Need for a Collective Alliance in the Protection & Promotion of Human Rights", Germany - Campaign for Tibet\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities in PracticePreventing Cultural Genocide: The Case for Genuine Autonomy for Tibet Just last weekend we witnessed the public demonstration of the excellent\u00a0bilateral relationship between Germany and China on the occasion of the\u00a0visit of Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang to Berlin. 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